Messianic hopes and expectations are common to almost all religions.
The messianic figure that almost all religions expect to arrive some
time towards the end of the world is generally portrayed as
representing the forces of good, as an agent of God and as
eventually vanquishing, in a war of global and cosmic proportions,
the forces of evil. This battle, it is believed, will ultimately
herald the end of the world as we know it. In some traditions, this
battle results in the triumph of one religion, that represented by
the awaited messianic figure, over all others. Presumably, ‘true’
believers in that one supposed ‘true’ religion and followers of that
messianic figure are saved, and all others, probably the majority of
human beings, are killed and then sent to painful punishment in
hell.
Messianic expectations and beliefs are not present in the Qur’an,
which, although it speaks of a final Day of Judgment, does not
contain any references to a messianic human figure who would herald
the end of the world. This figure, however, is referred to on
numerous occasions in the form of the Imam Mahdi in the corpus of
Hadith, traditions attributed to or claimed to be about the Prophet
Muhammad. Some critics regard many of these statements as
fabrications, and it is indeed likely that at least some of the
material about the Imam Mahdi in Muslim tradition, both Shia and
Sunni, reflects Christian and Jewish messianic influences and
borrowings. This book deals with three lesser-known messianic, or
Mahdist, movements rooted in the broader South Asian Muslim
tradition that have a fringe following.
Much
has already been written on pseudo-messianic movements, and, in
terms of theoretical arguments, the book does not contribute
anything new or substantial. Rather, it has a very modest aim. It
presents in-depth case studies of three twentieth pseudo-messianic
movements that emerged in twentieth century South Asian Muslim
environments, focussing, in particular, on the ways in which their
founders sought to interpret Muslim messianic traditions in order to
put forward their own personal claims of being divinely appointed
guides, not just for the Muslims alone, but, indeed, for the whole
of humanity. All three figures were characterized by a marked degree
of pugnacity and a proclivity to violence, whether symbolic or
physical.
The
case studies discussed in the book deal in considerable detail with
the varied strategies that these pseudo-messianic figures used to
win followers and to combat their opponents, both Muslims as well as
others. They also deal with the complex processes of how the
movements that these figures spawned gradually evolved into separate
religious communities, particularly through emphasizing their
differences with other groups that they opposed.
The
first section of the book discusses the Hyderabad-based Deendar
Anjuman, which was banned around a decade ago by the Government of
India on grounds of being allegedly involved in a series of bomb
blasts that targeted churches, mosques and temples across south
India. Sikand traces the roots of the movement to the 1920s, a time
of fierce competition between Hindu and Muslim revivalist groups for
numbers, when Siddiq Husain, the founder of the Deendar Anjuman,
appeared on the scene. A follower of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the
pseudo-prophet of Qadian, the founder of the heretical Ahmadiyya
movement, Siddiq Husain went even beyond his master’s messianic
claims by insisting that he was God’s messenger to the whole
humanity, specially charged with the task of converting the Hindus
of India to (his brand of) Islam. For this purpose, as Sikand
discusses in great detail, he evolved his own characteristic mode of
preaching to the Hindus of the Deccan, where he lived and worked, by
claiming to be the incarnation of Channabasaveswara, a saint revered
by the Lingayat sect, an anti-Brahminical movement that had a large
following particularly among the ‘lower’ castes. He drew parallels
between Hinduism and Islam in order to stress his claim that by
accepting (his version of) Islam, the Hindus, in particular the
Lingayats, would not be converting to a radically new and different
religion, but, rather, would supposedly be fulfilling the prophecies
of the Hindus themselves. This was no generous ecumenism, though. As
Sikand illustrates with copious quotes from the writings of Siddiq
Husain himself, these seeming overtures to the Hindus were
accompanied by hate-driven anti-Hindu rhetoric, and Siddiq Husain
even devised plans to gather an army of Pathan tribesmen from the
northwest of India, descend on the Indian plains and forcibly
destroy all the temples of the Hindus in the name of jihad.
In
post-1947 India, Sikand shows, the Deendar Anjuman could no longer
afford to exhibit its violent proclivities openly. Instead, it
sought to project itself as a movement committed to inter-faith
harmony. However, a section of the movement, led by one of the sons
of Siddiq Husain who had migrated to Pakistan, sought to drive the
group to take to the path of terror in the name of jihad. This
resulted in the series of bomb attacks, found to have been the
handiwork of Pakistan-trained Deendar Anjuman activists, which
finally resulted in the movement being proscribed by the Government
of India in 2001.
The
second pseudo-messianic movement that Sikand looks at is the Atba-e
Malak, an offshoot of the Daudi Bohra Ismailis, who, in turn, are
one of several splinter Shia groups. A striking feature of Ismaili
history through the centuries, Sikand shows, is the frequent
occurrence of succession disputes to the office of the Imam or
leader of the community, resulting in the setting up of splinter
groups led by charismatic personalities, based on their own
messianic claims. The office of the Imam is considered to be
hereditary, running in the line of direct descendants of Imam ‘Ali,
cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad. The Imamate is
crucial to Shia Islam, for its bearer, or, in the case of some
Ismaili groups, his agent, is considered to be the mediator between
God and ordinary believers. He is also a key figure in Shia
messianic thought.
Consequently, disputes centred round who should
succeed a deceased Imam or, in cases of sects that believe that he
is in occultation, his deputy, take on charged, sometimes violent,
forms as it has to do with critical messianic beliefs.
Disputes over succession to the office of da‘i-i-mutlaq or deputy to
the Imam
Mahdi, and the control of valuable community resources,
Sikand shows, are as central to the on-going controversy among the
Atba-i Malak as are contestations over certain messianic
expectations that characterize this group as a whole and which
account for its distinct identity. This, of course, is by no means
unusual in the history of inter-sectarian disputes among the Indian
Ismailis, being more of a rule than an exception. What, however, is
striking about the Atba-i Malak case is the role of the modern state
in the controversy, with the issue having been taken to the Indian
courts in order to enforce a decision. The involvement of the courts
brings out clearly the central role of the issue of control over
communal property and resources in the dispute, in which debates
about messianic beliefs are very clearly used as a means for
advancing rival claims over material resources. By appealing to the
courts to intervene, the mundane factors that seem to lie behind the
charged religious dispute over messianic beliefs clearly come into
focus. While questions of power and property as well as convoluted
arguments about messianic beliefs have probably been fundamental in
almost all sectarian disputes among the Ismailis, in modern India,
with the intervention of the agencies of the state, the role of
material factors is more readily apparent as rival claimants
confront each other in the courts, each claiming the right to the
control of community resources and interpretation of messianic
beliefs and traditions.
The
third chapter of the book examines the origins and development of
the cult of Riyaz Ahmad Goharshahi (1941-2001), who, a large section
of his followers believe, claimed to be the Imam Mahdi referred to
in Muslim tradition. After a brief description of his teachings and
his life, it goes on to deal with the cult after his death, when his
followers split into two main groups: the London-based Mehdi
Foundation International (MFI) and the Pakistan-based Anjuman-e
Sarfaroshan-e Islam (ASI). It then focuses, in particular, on the
beliefs of the former group and its political involvement in
Pakistan and elsewhere. It focuses particularly on how the MFI has
sought to present Goharshahi as God himself, and as a messianic
figure who has allegedly been predicted about in the major religious
traditions of the world. Despite the MFI’s rhetoric of ‘universal
love’, Sikand shows through a detailed examination of the group’s
literature that the organization is characterized by a powerful
streak of hatred and violence, and it may well, as some critics
argue, have been responsible for a series of violent attacks in
Pakistan.
The
chief merit of this book is the rich details that it supplies about
each of the three movements it discusses, including the background
of their founders, their messianic claims, the methods they employed
to win over followers and counter their opponents, as well as their
political involvement. Where the book disappoints, however, is in
not providing a broader theoretical framework within which these
movements need to be located. The vital issue of how these three
movements relate to similar pseudo-messianic movements in Muslim
milieus, past and present, is completely neglected. The book could
have been enriched by drawing parallels between these movements and
the tendencies they represent and other contemporary Muslim
movements, which, though not messianic in the strict sense of the
term, share certain distinct features in common, including a marked
tendency to resort to violence and to see the world in stark,
dualistic terms, and a stern, rigid exclusivism. That said, this
book is a very welcome contribution to studies on contemporary
Muslim South Asia.
Book
Pseudo-Messianic Movements in Contemporary Muslim South Asia
Author: Yoginder Sikand
Publisher: Global Media Publications, New Delhi (www.gmpublications.com)
Year: 2008
Pages: 137
Price: Rs.350
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