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When on this (14th April 2013)
anniversary of Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ambedkar, we pay tribute to
his yeomen services towards the cause of social justice and
bringing to fore the values of democracy; we also need to think as
to how his dream and vision of annihilation of caste can be taken
further. Where do we stand in this direction six decades after the
Independence and after the formal implementation of Constitution
of India, which gives us the values of Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity?
Caste has been the major marker of Indian, particularly Hindu,
society. While world over the serfs were under the bondage of
feudal lords, we had religiously ordained system of Varna-Jati
(Caste). Many theories of caste prevail, the racial theory,
superior Aryans versus the natives, now stands debunked. The
hypothesis of Morton Klass argues that it was a way of adjusting
of tribal to the system of production, which generated surplus.
This understanding indicates towards the understanding that caste
evolved with the particular system of production in India. Kosambi
looks at origin of caste as being due to the continuous process of
fusing of tribal into general society. The major contribution to
the understanding of genesis of caste comes from Ambedkar as per
whom caste-varna came into being due to ideological-religious
factors. According to him caste system came into being as the
result of ideologies of Dharmshatras, which was part of
Brahmanism.
In Indian society the interesting point is that caste is prevalent
not only amongst Hindus, it also prevails in other religious
communities. The difference being that amongst Hindus, the caste
is prescribed in the holy books, while in other religious
communities; it is a social phenomenon, like Ashraf, Ajlaf and
Arzal amongst Muslims and different denominations amongst
Christians and Sikhs. The first challenge to caste system came
from Lord Gautam Buddha, who talked of Samta, equality. This
concept of Samta, equality became very popular and was accepted by
large number of people till Buddhism was attacked and wiped out
from India in eighth century by those who wanted to restore the
varna-caste. During medieval period the Bhakti saints in
particular talked against and questioned the system of graded
inequality, but their voice though a powerful articulation of the
plight of the low caste, remained just an expression of pain and
sorrow of the poor, and was strongly opposed by Brahmin clergy.
The rule of Muslim Kings and British did not change the social
structure of the subcontinent, though during British rule due to
the industrialization and introduction of modern education, the
caste system started being questioned, opposed and socially
challenged. The edifice of caste started loosening up. During the
rule of Muslim kings the social structure remained intact. With
the British rule the half way process of industrialization and
modern education came in. At the same time the caste-varna also
continued on the side, though its legitimacy started being
questioned in a more serious way. In the changed situation
starting form Jotirao Phule the movements for caste abolition
found grounding in society, though they were not able to uproot
the phenomenon of caste in the full measures as the feudal
production system ran side by side with the process of
modernization. The process of secularization, abolition of the
hold of landlord and clergy, remained incomplete and so the
process of caste transformation remained half way through.
All the struggles started by Ambedkar aimed for social justice,
social equality and democratic values. He led the movements like
Chavdar Talab, for right to have access to public drinking water,
Kalaram Mandir, right to enter temples and also the burning of
Manusmriti, as symbolic of the rejection of religiously ordained
caste hierarchy. The resistance to these led to his conclusion
that he had to leave the Hindu fold, which is dominated by
Brahmanical values of Varna. The social political base to his
movements was provided by the national movement, which was
aspiring for throwing away the British colonial power and also
struggling for democratic values. Here Ambedkar rook off from this
movement, but the national movement was not adequate to give him
total social justice as this movement also had upper castes in
good measure. So here we see the dilemma of Mahatma Gandhi versus
Ambedkar. Gandhi was not able to go beyond the limits posed by the
participation of all castes in freedom movement. He kept talking
of varna system in a more refined form while taking up cudgels
against untouchability.
Gandhi also opposed the separate electorate, provided by communal
award of MacDonald in 1932. The Poona pact between Gandhi and
Ambedkar led to the reserved Constituency and the provisions of
reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Ambedkar’s
vision was that reservations and inter-caste marriages will be
steps towards annihilation of caste. Today both these face serious
obstacles on social ground. The rigidity of caste is increasing
and inter-caste marriage is facing serious obstacles from
conservative forces. While freedom movement led by Gandhi was half
way conceding to the needs of dalits, the other ideology, the one
of religious nationalism was waiting in the wings with the concept
of Hindu Rashtra, Hindu nation. Ambedkar did realize that
acceptance of religious nationalism, formation of Pakistan on that
ground will be a disaster for dalits as it will pave the way for
Hindu Rashtra, the slavery of dalits. Today while most of the
commentators are attacking Gandhi, they need to focus more
attention to the impact of the politics and ideology of Hindu
religious nationalism, which is a major obstacle to caste
abolition today.
The reservations for dalits led to newer caste equations. On one
hand the section of rising middle class stood to oppose these
reservations, tooth and nail. The anti reservation violence has
been witnessed in the Gujarat in particular in 1980s. Also since
the overall development process is not accommodative of all, the
inner competition for reservation has led to a strange situation
where different communities are vying for status as a particular
reserved category. The overall future for the youth is dismal and
it gets reflected in the form of movements for particular castes
getting recognized in this or that category. The other major
obstacle to caste transformation is the politics of Hindutva. On
one hand it talks of Samajik Samrasta (social Harmony), that all
castes should have harmony amongst them. The Hindutva’s concept of
‘Integral Humanism’ emphasizes on different castes continuing
their professions for smooth social functioning. The social
engineering by religious political forces is co-opting the low
caste through various mechanisms, to the extent of using them as
foot soldiers of their anti minority violence. A section of dalits
also is influenced by the process of Sanskritization, aping at
upper caste and imitating them for their future trajectory. As a
logical corollary; the cultural mechanisms, the TV serials, the
preaching’s of hoards of God men are promoting the values of
Manusmiriti in a more sophisticated form.
At the same time a serious layer of progressive and dalit
intellectuals are trying to restore the core values and principles
of struggles against caste-varna. The situation today is very
complex and caste as a social phenomenon is far from extinct.
Today’s political scenario is a conflict between the values of
democracy on one hand, and the values of religious nationalism;
the politics representing the defense of caste and gender
hierarchy; on the other. The process of social equality; caste
annihilation and values of democracy need to be brought in through
a fresh series of multilayered struggles for a truly democratic
society. That alone will be a tribute to the life and work of the
legend of this great visionary, Bhimrao Babsaheb Ambedkar.
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