

“Democracy is not the art of winning power, but of remaining answerable once power is won.”
The results of Kerala’s recent local body elections have been swiftly pressed into service by competing political claims. The Congress sees revival, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) declares a breakthrough, and the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) seeks refuge in the familiar explanation of routine anti-incumbency.
Yet none of these readings adequately captures the political meaning of the verdict. What unfolded was not an ideological shift, nor a vote of confidence in alternatives, but a collective act of democratic correction – a refusal to tolerate misgovernance, administrative arrogance, and the steady erosion of accountability.
The gains made by the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) must be understood in this light. These were not endorsements born of renewed trust, but benefits accrued by default. Kerala’s electorate has long demonstrated an ability to distinguish rejection from affirmation.
Voters moved away from the ruling Left; they did not necessarily move toward the Congress. The party’s own history of governance — marked by internal factionalism, uneven leadership, and allegations of corruption — remains vivid in public memory. To interpret these results as a firm mandate would be to confuse electoral arithmetic with political legitimacy.
Equally overstated is the BJP’s celebration of its performance in Thiruvananthapuram. The capital city has always occupied a peculiar place in Kerala’s political geography. Its demographic composition, caste alignments, and largely non-industrial character set it apart from much of the state.
To extrapolate a statewide trend from this outcome is analytically unsound. More tellingly, the BJP’s overall vote share has not registered a decisive increase and, in several regions, has declined. What occurred was a localised concentration rather than a structural expansion. The narrative of a historic breakthrough rests more on aspiration than evidence.
Kerala’s political culture continues to place limits on ideological polarisation. High levels of political literacy, strong secular traditions, and a deeply embedded culture of public debate have historically constrained the growth of majoritarian politics. Incremental electoral gains by the BJP do not alter this structural reality. Not even by a threadbare. Even where visibility increases, the party’s footprint remains too narrow to become a decisive force capable of reshaping the state’s political equilibrium.
At the heart of the electoral verdict lies a far more consequential issue: Governance. The setback suffered by the LDF is not cyclical but cumulative. Over nearly a decade in power, the government has increasingly centralised authority, narrowed spaces for dissent, and fostered a style of administration marked by opacity and defensiveness. Corruption allegations, controversies around law and order, and a tendency to dismiss criticism have gradually eroded the moral capital that once distinguished the Left in Kerala.
This erosion cannot be reduced to voter fatigue. It reflects a deeper disaffection with a government perceived as insulated from scrutiny and unresponsive to public unease. Welfare initiatives, however extensive, cannot compensate for a loss of trust in conduct. In Kerala, governance is judged not only by outcomes but by attitude. The electorate evaluates how power is exercised, how dissent is handled, and whether institutions remain open to questioning. The recent elections suggest that this evaluative threshold has been decisively crossed.
Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan stands at the centre of this crisis. Once associated with administrative resolve, his leadership is now widely viewed as emblematic of excessive centralisation and intolerance of criticism. Political credibility, especially in a society as politically alert as Kerala, is not infinitely renewable. When trust erodes beyond a point, recovery demands rupture rather than recalibration. It is difficult to see how such a rupture can occur under the present leadership, whose image has hardened beyond easy repair.
One striking aspect of the elections was the limited influence of digital spectacle and political influencers. Unlike several other states, Kerala remains relatively resistant to the performative excesses of online mobilisation. Political opinion here is shaped less by algorithmic amplification than by lived experience — encounters with local institutions, access to services, and daily interactions with authority. This grounded political consciousness acts as a buffer against manufactured narratives and inflated claims of success.
Equally significant is the everyday nature of political discussion in the state. Conversations in buses, markets, and tea shops — often among strangers — reveal a shared language of critique and expectation. These exchanges may not always be ideologically rigorous, but they reflect a collective attentiveness to power. This diffuse political literacy serves as a democratic safeguard, limiting the capacity of any party to monopolise interpretation or escape accountability.
The broader lesson of the elections extends beyond party fortunes. They reaffirm Kerala’s democracy as corrective rather than deferential. Power is tolerated only so long as it remains answerable; authority is respected only when exercised with humility. Governments that mistake longevity for entitlement inevitably encounter resistance.
For the LDF, the verdict is a warning that moral authority, once depleted, cannot be restored through administrative efficiency alone. For the Congress, it is a reminder that opportunity without introspection quickly curdles into complacency. For the BJP, it underscores the limits of narrative inflation in a politically literate society.
Ultimately, these elections reaffirm an essential truth about Kerala’s democratic culture: it resists patronage, spectacle, and ideological shortcuts. The electorate distinguishes carefully between rejection and endorsement, between alternatives and legitimacy, and between rhetoric and reality. Misgovernance is punished not episodically, but decisively.
This was not an election about ideology.
It was a judgment on power.
And Kerala, once again, has shown that it knows how to deliver that judgment.
[The writer, Ranjan Solomon, is a Political Commentator on Democracy and Justice.]
CORPORATION (6):
UDF: 04; LDF:01; NDA:01
DIST. PANCHAYAT (14):
UDF: 07; LDF:07; NDA:00
MUNCIPALITY (86):
UDF: 54; LDF:28; NDA:01; Hung: 01
BLOCK (152):
UDF: 79; LDF:63; NDA:00; Hung: 10
PANCHAYAT (941):
UDF: 504; LDF:341; NDA:26; Hung: 64
Grama Panchayat (Candidates won):
INC+ (UDF): 7036
BJP+ (NDA): 1309
Block Panchayat:
INC+ : 951
BJP+ : 50
District Panchayat:
INC+ : 47
BJP+ : 00
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